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‘We've Had Problems Since The Mayflower'
by Karen Florin, Day Staff Writer
New London Day, CT, August 3, 2003


[Photos]
The Associated Press
The July 14 state police raid on the Narragansett Smoke Shop.
[Photo]
Narragansett Medicine Man, Lloyd G. "Running Wolf" Wilcox

The Narragansett Indians opened a smoke shop on their Charlestown, R.I., reservation last month, knowing the state considered it illegal for the tribe to sell tax-free cigarettes. Two weeks earlier, the Shinnecock Indian Nation broke ground on a casino in Southampton, Long Island, without federal, state or local approval. The Wampanoag Tribe of Gay Head, who built a shed for their shellfishing business on their reservation without obtaining local permits, is engaged in a legal battle in Martha's Vineyard.

It might look like the Summer of American Indian Resistance in the Northeast, with tribes and government officials clashing over everything from water rights and zoning ordinances to cigarettes and gambling. But Indian leaders say they are simply exercising their sovereign rights, not brazenly defying the law. They say such conflicts have occurred since Europeans arrived in the United States.

“For it to be an act of defiance we would be acknowledging the position the state has taken, that we have no rights,” said Randy R. Noka, first councilman for the federally recognized Narragansetts. He, his wife, Bella, and their son, Norman, were arrested along with five others when tribal members tried to stop state police from raiding the smoke shop on July 14. His daughter, Chali, was injured in the melee.

“We had a feeling we would be challenged by the state,” Councilman Hiawatha Brown said a day later. “We had no idea we would be storm-trooped.”

Outraged by the way their leaders and family members were treated, tribal members who witnessed the raid or gathered at the smoke shop in its aftermath evoked events that have scarred Narragansett people over the centuries. They recalled the Great Swamp Massacre of 1675, an attack on Narragansett women and children and elders, and harked back to the federal government's effort to detribalize them in 1880. They see the history of oppression extending to 1996 when the late U.S. Sen. John Chaffee attached a provision to an unrelated bill that requires the Narragansetts to get state and local approval to open a casino.

“Folks have to realize, it wasn't an isolated event, the troopers storming the reservation that Monday,” said Noka. “It's an ongoing history. It's the stories you heard or read when you grew up, stories your grandparents and great-grandparents told.”

Kurt Jordan, a lecturer in the American Indian program at Cornell University, said it is important to talk about things that happened 400 or 500 years ago.

“That's one of the things we think of as being a luxury, sitting on a beach reading about Thomas Jefferson,” he said. “But it's one of the things that's vitally important.”

The legal framework set during the earliest interactions between Indians and Europeans is still pervasive and still fundamental to the modern relations, Jordan said.

“It was originally constructed in a nation-to-nation way, a peer relationship from the very beginning done on a government-to-government basis,” he said. “Basically the natives assert today that nothing has changed and that is the basis of sovereignty.”

Still, the relationship between states and tribes remains a gray area in many ways, with contradictory court decisions and selective reading of precedent-setting cases, Jordan said. If native sovereignty is increased, states usually feel the brunt.

“There's no clear cut way to proceed,” he said.

•••••

In the weeks leading up to the smoke shop raid, the state legislature failed to authorize a fall referendum for the Narragansetts' proposed casino in West Warwick. Gov. Donald L. Carcieri met with Chief Sachem Matthew Thomas and visited the reservation, saying he wanted to help the tribe improve its financial situation. He set up a meeting with his economic development team. Carcieri warned Thomas there would be problems if the tribe opened the smoke shop.

“We've had problems since the Mayflower,” the chief told the governor.

In the aftermath of the raid, one man screamed he would be willing to die to protect the tribe's sovereignty. A woman brought up the hundreds of Sioux killed at Wounded Knee in 1890. There was talk of smallpox-infected blankets being distributed to Indians during the French & Indian War.

But over the next couple of days, Thomas and other tribal leaders were emphasizing that the tribe would wage its battle in the courts.

“They tried to incite us to react violently,” said Medicine Man Lloyd G. “Running Wolf” Wilcox. “My people were wonderful. They defended the women and children. They didn't return aggression with aggression ... not this time.”

Thomas met with the governor briefly to “calm things down.” At the smoke shop, tribal members discouraged television crews from interviewing a visiting member of the Wampanoag tribe who implied it would take a bullet to stop him from defending his fellow Indians. At a unity rally, the chief sachem told a large crowd that the intention was unity and peace, “and if those aren't your intentions, you took a wrong turn somewhere.” Still, tribal members said they would never forget July 14.

“It's how the troopers came in and how they manhandled and physically abused people,” Noka said. “How can you possibly put your hands on the leader of a nation like they did that day?”

Carcieri has appointed an independent commission to review the smoke shop incident. Last week, he received a report on the incident that he had requested from State Police Col. Stephen Pare. The report, released Friday, said troopers acted appropriately during the raid. The incident developed into a major headache for the first-term governor, who opposes casino development in Rhode Island. If the state was to vote today, many tribal members feel residents would approve the Narragansett gaming facility.

Listening to Rhode Island residents debate the smoke shop issue on talk radio, Noka said only a few thought the state police raid was a good idea.

“They must have hooded sheets in their closet,” he said of those callers.

•••••

Cigarette taxes have long been a point of contention between tribes and states, and the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled on the issue three times. In general, Indian law experts say, Indians are supposed to tax cigarettes sold to non-Indians on their reservations unless they manufactured the tobacco products themselves. Some tribes enter into revenue-sharing agreements with states, just as they do for gambling, but states have a hard time collecting taxes from those tribes that have no agreements.

Charles K. Smith II, chairman of the Shinnecock Indian Nation board of trustees, sees a parallel between his tribe and the Narragansetts.

“We're both in stages of economic development and on the road to self-reliance,” Smith said. “As it is, we get reluctance by the state and they're fighting us. New York State is fighting the Shinnecock, and Rhode Island is fighting the Narragansett. Both nations are charged by the government to become self-sufficient, self-reliant. And when we try to do that ... ”

The Shinnecocks, backed by Oklahoma developer Ivy K. Ong, broke ground on a casino in Hampton Bays on June 30. The town and state quickly sued them, and the tribe is, for the time being, obeying a temporary restraining order. The matter is in federal court. Shinnecock leaders objected to one newspaper's characterization that the tribe had “thumbed its nose” at the government.

“We were just exercising our sovereignty,” Smith said. “We have a right to do that. We own the land. The government doesn't have a right to tell us what we can do on our land. We have been giving the government courtesy by responding to their temporary restraining orders. We haven't broken any of those restraining orders. Out of courtesy we're dong that, but we still have the right. “

The 1,500-member tribe is not federally recognized. They started the process in 1978 but only just completed their application to the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Smith said it is “almost an insult” that they are asked to prove their identity.

“We're extending ourselves as a courtesy for the government to acknowledge us as an Indian Nation,” said Smith. “As far as we're concerned when they started the federal recognition policy, they forgot to include us and recognize us at that point. We have been here always and we have been on our original land before there was a U.S. government.”

Individual tribal members sell tobacco at three shops on the reservation, enterprises that Smith said benefit the tribe only slightly. One shop pays a lease and the others donate to different organizations on the reservation. When the first shop opened in 1983, local police tried to shut it down, Smith said, but “they were stopped by tribe members, then state police.” Elsewhere in New York, the Seneca and Mohawk tribes have had tense and sometimes violent encounters with the state throughout the year. Individual members continue to sell tobacco, and the state government continues its efforts to collect taxes.

Ten years ago in Connecticut, the state tried to stop Golden Hill Paugussett War Chief Moonface Bear from selling cigarettes out of the Colchester reservation. Indians armed with AK-47s held off state police for months. Moonface Bear eventually surrendered and was arrested, but state police never entered the reservation, and the war chief died of leukemia before his trial.

During the same summer of 1993, Eastern Pequot member Mark R. Sebastian was arrested for trying to block a North Stonington road crew from fixing a road on the reservation because he feared the roadwork would damage significant archaeological sites. He ultimately pleaded guilty to creating a public disturbance and paid a fine. He appealed the jurisdiction issue to the state Supreme Court and lost. Today, both Connecticut tribes are trying to open casinos, a step that requires cooperation with, and from, local, state and federal officials. The outcome remains unclear.

John Peters, executive director of the Massachusetts Commission on Indian Affairs and a member of the Mashpee Wampanoag, put Indian “acts of resistance” in historical perspective. Indians have put up with a lot over the years, he said, harking back to the so-called “Mashpee Revolt” of 1830.

“They would hire people from the surrounding towns to come down and cut our wood while our people sat and had no employment,” he said. After complaining to the court and getting no response, tribal members stopped the workers from cutting wood and sent them off. There was no bloodshed, Peters said, but “maybe some egos lost.”

“It was treated as if it was a violent incident,” he said. “The idea that the natives would actually revolt and tell you, ‘You can't do this.' ''

© The Day Publishing Co., 2003

 Story and photos online at TheDay.com

 


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